Mbughuni: Why did East African Federation initiative collapse in 1963?

Dr. Kenneth Kaunda of North Rhodesia, Julius Nyerere of Tanzania, Jomo Kenyatta of Kenya, and Dr. Milton Obote of Uganda at the East African Heads of Government Conference, 1964 (photo source: Trip Down Memory Lane blog)

A treaty establishing the East African Community was finally ratified in 1999 and took effect in 2000. The journey towards East African political Federation reached a milestone in April of 2014 when the heads of state decided to start the process of drafting a constitution for political federation. This was not the first time that East African leaders came to the table with the goal of establishing a Federation. The heads of state from Kenya, Uganda, and Tanganyika, signed the Declaration of Federation in June 5, 1963. The initiative never came to fruition as both internal and external factors led to the collapse of the negotiations. While there was a fair share of blame on all the parties involved, there is one particular factor for the collapse of the 1963 East African Federation initiative that deserves closer scrutiny: the role of Ghana in killing the East African Federation. 

Two giants emerged in the African political scene of the early 1960s: Kwame Nkrumah of Ghana and Julius K. Nyerere of Tanzania. The two were staunch proponents of Pan Africanism, an ideology and a movement that encourages the solidarity of Africans in Africa and around the world. Nkrumah and Nyerere ultimately wanted to see continental unity and the establishment of a “United States of Africa.” However, by the end of 1961, the two differed on the approaches to achieving their common goal of unifying Africa. Nkrumah called for the immediate establishment of the “United States of Africa.” Nyerere on the other hand, argued that the best approach is a regional approach. Build regional unity first and eventually bring them together to create a “United States of Africa.” This approach, Nyerere would argue, was more practical.

The quest for African unity remains elusive a little more than 50 years later. There is a raging debate on whose approach was correct. On one side, there are those who blame the adherents of regional approach for the decision to reject Nkrumah’s proposal at the first and second OAU Summits. They argue that the Second OAU conference in Cairo was the last nail in the coffin for any hopes of building continental unity. These pundits point to the failure of the regional attempts to build unity as an example of the futility of such initiatives. This debate exhumes passion from adherents of both sides. While Nkrumah’s call for an immediate establishment of the “United States of Africa” was never given a chance, it must be pointed out that regional political Federation was never given an opportunity to be tested either.

Nkrumah started as a staunch supporter of building regional unity. He called for regional Federation in 1953. He worked diligently to establish West African Federation in the 1950s after Ghana (then Gold Coast) won self-government. The initiative eventually failed. Nkrumah was briefly successful with the Ghana-Guinea Union of 1958. The two countries were joined by Mali in 1961 to form the Union of Ghana, Guinea, and Mali. The Union faced many challenges from the outset. The Union of the three countries failed by the end of 1961.

Nyerere came to view regional unity as the correct path for building African unity in the end of the 1950s. Nyerere and Tom Mboya of Kenya discussed the idea of building regional unity in 1958 after returning from Ghana’s first independence anniversary celebrations. The two east African leaders decided to establish a Pan African regional body to bring together independence movements from the region to share ideas, resources, and build unity. Nyerere was the only one in position to establish such an organization. TANU had just won the first Legislative Council elections and it was clear that self-government was within reach. Thus in September of 1958, Tanganyika leaders called a conference in Mwanza that led to the establishment of Pan African Freedom Movement for East and Central Africa (PAFMECA). Delegates came from Malawi, Zambia, Rwanda and Burundi, Uganda, Kenya, and Zanzibar. One of the agendas discussed at the conference was the question of Federation. A decision was made to postpone the issue of Federation until a later date. It was decided that the question of Federation should be revisited once the territories had advanced towards independence and won self-government.

The idea of Federation was forefront in Nyerere’s plans for east Africa. The victory of 1958 and 1959 elections guaranteed that Tanganyika would win self-government soon. This victory indicated to Nyerere that the time was ripe to start campaigning for East African Federation. He announced through BBC London on January 1, 1960 his desire to see Tanganyika, Kenya, and Uganda join together in a Federation. Nyerere then took his case to the Conference of Independent African States in Ethiopia in June of 1960. He announced his willingness to delay Tanganyika’s independence up to six months to allow for the formation of East African Federation.

Nkrumah and Nyerere, the two African giants, followed a similar path, but at different times. Nkrumah announced in 1953 after the Gold Coast won self-government that he wanted to see the “amalgamation of territories on a regional basis and methods of progress towards an ultimate Pan-African Commonwealth of Free, Independent United States of Africa.” This quest remained unattainable as each territory moved closer to independence in West Africa. Nkrumah’s failure to build regional unity would eventually convince him to bitterly oppose any such attempts elsewhere.

Nyerere moved full force after 1960 in his quest to establish East African Federation. He took the case to the PAFMECA Conference in Mbale, Uganda in December of 1960. Nyerere tabled a memorandum entitled “East African Federation (Freedom and Unity)” for discussion and approval. He continued to push for Federation with Kenya, Uganda, and Zanzibar leaders between 1961 and 1962.

Nkrumah changed his mind by late 1961 on the merits of a regional approach to build African unity. He not only came to view regional approach as wrong, he came to see it as a serious threat to the quest for building African unity. He would argue that regional groupings were part of “Balkanization of Africa,” borrowing from a 19th century saying that described the disintegration into smaller territories of the Balkans in Eastern Europe. According to Nkrumah, regional groups were a major threat to the quest for establishing the “United States of Africa.”

Efforts to speed up the process towards East African Federation increased in the course of 1962. Nyerere lobbied with his counterparts in Uganda and Kenya. He published an article in March of 1963 entitled “A United States of Africa.” The article was the most explicit explanation of his vision for a united Africa. Nyerere argued eloquently that Africa must unite. He asserted, “For the sake of all African states, large or small, African unity must come and it must be real unity,” and added, “Our goal must be a United States of Africa.” As for the approach, Nyerere argued “This goal must be achieved, and it does not matter whether this is done by one step or by many…” Nyerere was committed to building a “United States of Africa.”

The situation in African scene was tense in the first half of 1963. To make matters worse, tension between Tanganyika and Ghana increased after the assassination of the President of Togo, Sylvanus Olympio in January 13, 1963. Nyerere sat with his hands on his head and wept after announcing the assassination of President Olympio. The assassination shocked many African leaders. Tanganyika did not hide its suspicion that Ghana played a role in the assassination. Ghana and Togo were involved in a tug of war over its borders. Nkrumah had laid claims to parts of Togo. It was partly in reaction to this crisis and the assassination of President Olympio that Tanganyika would take a strong position at the First OAU Summit in Ethiopia in 1963 on the issue of respecting existing borders and not interfering in the internal affairs of other countries. This, some critics have argued, killed any hopes of achieving continental unity. But did it? What of regional approach? What happened to that initiative?

Nyerere and Nkrumah clashes became more pronounced at the First OAU Summit in Ethiopia. Oscar Kambona, Tanganyika Foreign Minister, was selected as the chairman of the powerful Political Committee. The decision by the majority of African leaders to give that important position to a Tanganyikan instead of a Ghanaian, was telling. The decision gave some indication on where the majority of African leaders stood on the Nyerere Vs. Nkrumah dispute. In the end, Kambona played a major role in shaping the final OAU charter. This was the first blow to Nkrumah. Another blow to Nkrumah was the decision by the OAU to exclude Ghana from the Committee of Nine (African Liberation Committee). Nkrumah took umbrage at the decisions made by the OAU in May and June of 1963 that excluded his country.

The move towards East African Federation showed most promise in June of 1963 when Jomo Kenyatta, Milton Obote, and Nyerere agreed to work on establishing the East African Federation. It was at this point that the opposition to the Federation initiative by Ghana went from rhetoric into action. Ghana organized a campaign to sabotage the East African Federation. The efforts concentrated in Uganda. But efforts were also made by Ghana to convince Kenya, Zambia and Malawi leaders to reject Federation. The focal point of the campaign centered on Uganda.
The clash between Nkrumah and Nyerere reached its apex after East African leaders issued the Declaration of Federation. Nkrumah moved with full force to torpedo the initiative. He wrote “Having accepted a common destiny for Africa at Addis Ababa, we can no longer stand aloof in the fact of any danger that threatens our common cause. It is for this reason that I have been compelled to express my own apprehensions concerning the proposal to unite East African States into a single political entity.” Nkrumah would claim that the scheme would build regional royalty and frustrate any hopes of a continental unity. He also expressed worries that the East African Federation was an imperialist scheme because it received support of the West. There could only be one solution for him: take action to kill the East African initiative. This Nkrumah did skillfully.

Obote, Nyerere, and Kenyatta issued the Federation Declaration on June 5, 1963. The Declaration stated: “We, the leaders of the people and governments of East Africa… pledge ourselves to the political federation of East Africa. Our meeting today is motivated by the spirit of Pan-Africanism, and not by mere selfish regional interests. … We believe that the East African Federation can be a practical step towards the goal of Pan-African unity. We share a common past, and are convinced of our common destinies.” This Nairobi agreement was the closest East African leaders would come to establishing a Federation. The position of Uganda would change drastically in the months to come leading to the collapse of the negotiations. About two months after the Declaration was issued, Nyerere would tell an American diplomat that Uganda was pulling out of the agreement they signed in June of 1963. Nyerere told the diplomat that the problem was not with the concept of Federation itself, but that Uganda leaders were making frivolous demands such as the site of the capital and demands for jobs. What was the cause of this policy reversal?
 
Part of the explanation lies with external influences on Uganda stemming from Ghana. Nkrumah told the Ghana National Assembly in June 21, 1963 that the “idea of a political federation of East Africa” was supported by the British government because they wanted to be “sure of retaining their rapidly waning influence in Africa.” Nkrumah dispatched his most skillful lieutenants to East and Central Africa. He concentrated his efforts in Uganda where Milton Obote was one of his greatest admirers. He sent Busumtwi-Sam to Uganda. Nkrumah also dispatched A.K. Barden, the former head of the powerful Africa Bureau, to East Africa. Barden, a former police, had recruited police into the Bureau and ran successful operations. Ghana High Commission in Tanganyika was reduced to a handful of people after June of 1963 as tension between Tanganyika and Ghana rose. Some of the Ghanaian diplomats were transferred from Tanganyika to Uganda.

The Government of Ghana poured money into Uganda between 1962 and 1963. Paulo Muwanga, Ugandan MP, received $39,000 from Ghana in 1963 to start farmer’s council in Uganda. Ghanaian funds were also funneled to Uganda through trade unions. For example, the Uganda Federation of Labor had cozy relations with Ghana labor and farmer’s unions AATUF and AAFU. Ghana gave tens of thousands of dollars to the Uganda labor union UFL. It is not surprising that UFL took the Ghana view of the immediate establishment of “United States of Africa.” TheTimes of UK reported in September 1963 that Nkrumah was “bitterly opposed to an East African Federation and is influential with Mr. Obote..” One of the most telling examples of Obote’s close relations to Nkrumah took place after Obote married Miria Kalule in November of 1963. Ghana Air Force plane was sent to pick up the newly weds to fly to Accra for their honeymoon. It cannot be denied that the Ugandan position could have come from the conviction that immediate establishment of continental unity was the best approach, yet it would be injudicious to dismiss the possibility that the large sums of money handed to the Ugandan leaders did not influence their views.

Obote and Benedicto Kiwanuka came to oppose the East African Federation initiative. The reasons given by Uganda leaders for the opposition after signing the Federation Declaration varied from frivolous to serious concerns. For example, Adoko Nekyon, Uganda delegate to the East African Federation negotiations and Obote’s brother in-law, demanded that each country should have a separate foreign representation. There were also fears that Uganda’s trade surplus and balanced budget would crumble once they united with their neighbors. The Ugandans claimed to be in support of East African Federation, but raised some of the above issues to say it would not work out for them. The negotiations for political Federation reached a stalemate. Numerous subsequent attempts were made to revive the talks; such attempts were eventually unsuccessful.

The resistance from Uganda after July of 1963 led Nyerere to conclude that there were external interference that led to the change of heart by Uganda. Nyerere told an American diplomat in August of 1963 that “various external influences” were at work in Kampala. Talks continued and eventually an agreement was reached for the establishment of East African Community that lasted from 1967 to 1977; however, the grand scheme of an East African political Federation was never given an opportunity to be established and tested. Like Nkrumah’s continental unity initiative, Nyerere’s attempt to build regional unity through Federation was also never given a chance. In a speech given in January of 1964, Nyerere would pronounce: “The Challenges of the 20th Century is the conversion of nationalism into internationalism.” This is a challenge that remains elusive in the 21st century. It remains to be seen if East African leaders will rise to the challenge and make the dream of a united East Africa a reality. This dream must include measures to build continental unity. For it is with the “United States of Africa” that the hopes of a vibrant and flourishing Africa lies.

This article was published by Business Times (Tanzania), October 3, 2014

Azaria Mbughuni is an Assistant Professor of History at Spelman College, Atlanta, USA. ([email protected]). Follow me on Twitter @AzariaTZ
© Azaria Mbughuni

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  • The above article was cross-posted from the write's blog: United Africa

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HABARI KATIKA PICHA: MWENYEKITI WA CCM, RAIS MSTAAFU KIKWETE KATIKA SHEREHE ZA MAADHIMISHO YA KUZALIWA KWA CCM AMBAZO NI ZA MWISHO KWAKE AKIWA MWENYEKITI


Mwenyekiti wa CCM, Rais Mstaafu Jakaya Kikwete akiwapungua mkono wananchi baada ya kuwasili katika Uwanja wa Namfua mjini Singida jana, katika Kilele cha Sherehe za Maashimisho ya miaka 39 ya CCM. Kwa mujibu wa maelezo yake, Sherehe hizo kwake ni za Mwisho akiwa Mwenyeiti wa Chama Cha Mainduzi. endelea kutazama picha zaidi











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Ugonjwa wa kimeta Manyara! Mkuu wa Wilaya apiga mafuruku kula nyama minadani


Nyerere ‘alivyomzidi kete’ Karume

East African Leaders Signing an Agreement in 1963. Seated from left to right is Milton Obote, Jomo Kenyatta, and Julius Nyerere; standing on the left is Tom Mboya and to the far right is Oscar Kambona. Courtesy of Africa Report, August 1963 (photo source: Article "Nyerere Vs. Nkrumah: Why Did East African Federation Initiative Collapse in 1963?" at the United Africa blog/Azaria Mbughuni)

MWALIMU Julius Kambarage Nyerere aliyatambua Mapinduzi ya Zanzibar Januari 16, 1964, siku tano baada ya kutokea, wakati Kenya na Uganda zilifanya hivyo saa 24 na 36 tu, kwa mfululizo huo, baada ya kufanyika.

Hii ni baada ya Abeid Amani Karume (Rais), Abdullah Kassim Hanga (Makamu wa Rais) na Abdulrahman Mohamed Babu (Waziri wa Ulinzi na Mambo ya Nje) kwenda Dar es Salaam kuonana na Nyerere kumsihi ayatambue pamoja na kuomba msaada wa askari kwenda kutuliza hali, ombi ambalo lilikubaliwa. Siku mbili baadaye, askari polisi 300 wa Tanganyika walipelekwa Zanzibar.

Wakati huohuo, Wakomunisti waliendelea kutamba visiwani ambapo inasemekana Mwanamapinduzi wa Cuba mwenye asili ya Argentina, Ernesto Che Guevara alitembelea Zanzibar kwa siri kutathmini hali baada ya Mapinduzi.

Vituko hivi vilizidi kuzitia kiwewe Marekani na Uingereza. Ili kujiweka karibu na matukio visiwani humo, Marekani ilifungua ubalozi mdogo na kumhamishia Zanzibar mmoja wa majasusi nguli wa Shirika la Ujasusi la Marekani (CIA), Frank Carlucci, akitokea Ureno kudhibiti matukio na kutoa taarifa Washington juu ya kilichokuwa kikiendelea kila nchi.

Kabla ya kupelekwa Ureno, Carlucci alishiriki kwenye ghasia za Congo (sasa DRC) zilizopelekea kuuawa kikatili kwa Waziri Mkuu wa kwanza, Patrice Emery Lumumba kwa mipango ya CIA. Huko Ureno, alijulikana kwa ukatili wake dhidi ya wanaharakati wa Kikomunisti akapewa jina “The Hangman of Portugal” (Mnyonga Watu wa Ureno). Na baada ya Zanzibar, alipanda cheo kufikia kuwa Naibu Mkurugenzi Mkuu wa CIA, wakati Jimmy Carter akiwa Rais wa Marekani.

Tatizo kwa nchi za Magharibi kuhusu Zanzibar, halikuwa juu ya kupinduliwa kwa Serikali ya ZNP/ZPPP iliyosimikwa madarakani na Waingereza; bali tatizo lilikuwa juu ya ushawishi wa Wakomunisti eneo hili la Afrika, wakala wao mkubwa akiwa Abdulrahman Babu (Umma Party) na Abdullah Kassim Hanga (ASP).

Hofu ya nchi hizo ilikuwa kwamba, Zanzibar ya Kikomunisti ingetumika kama kituo cha hujuma na operesheni dhidi ya maslahi ya nchi hizo, pamoja na Tanganyika, kuanzia Kenya hadi Rasi ya Tumaini Jema (Cape of Good Hope – Afrika Kusini); na pia kwamba kungeruhusu Wakomunisti wa Kichina (Chicomms) na Wacuba, kuhamishia uwanja wao wa mafunzo kwenye ardhi ya Afrika na kueneza mfano (model) wa kuigwa wa mbinu za kimapinduzi bara zima.

Kenya, Uganda na Tanganyika kwa upande wake, hazikutaka kuona Taifa la Kikomunisti mlangoni pao; na lililowaumiza kichwa zaidi ni hofu ya nchi zao kuingizwa kwenye ulingo wa vita baridi kati ya Magharibi na Mashariki.

Mtizamo wa Nyerere

Nyerere aliona kwamba, tatizo la Zanzibar ya Kikomunisti lingemalizwa kwa njia ya kuunda Shirikisho la Afrika Mashariki (EAF) ambamo Zanzibar (na Wakomunisti wake) ingemezwa ndani ya tumbo isiweze kufurukuta.

Wazo la Nyerere lilidakwa haraka haraka na Marekani kuwa ndilo suluhisho pekee la mgogoro huo, huku wakiamini kwamba, Jomo Kenyatta (Kenya) na Milton Obote (Uganda) wasingepinga wakifahamika kuwa marafiki wema wa Uingereza na Marekani. Isitoshe, Uingereza ilisaidia kuzima maasi ya Majeshi ya nchi hizi tatu yaliyotokea kwa mpigo, siku na saa hiyo hiyo na kwa staili moja dhidi ya Serikali za viongozi hao, Januari 20, 1964; yakazimwa na Majeshi ya Uingereza kwa staili na mbinu zinazofanana.

Kwa kuridhika na mkakati huo, Nyerere sasa alipewa jukumu la kuratibu uundwaji wa Shirikisho la Afrika Mashariki kuzima “kirusi” cha Zanzibar.

Mwanzoni, Kenyatta na Obote walionesha utayari wa kuunda Shirikisho na hivyo kuwapa matumaini Nyerere, Marekani na Uingereza. Kwa kujawa matumaini hayo, mwanzoni mwa Machi 1964, Nyerere alimwita Karume Ikulu Dar es Salaam, kukamilisha kazi ya kuuza wazo la kuunda Shirikisho la nchi nne – Kenya, Uganda, Tanganyika na Zanzibar; akamwambia, “Nimeuza wazo hili kwa Kenyatta na Obote, kwamba, sisi Tanganyika tuko tayari kuungana pale Kenya na Uganda watakapokuwa tayari”.

Nyerere akaendelea kumshawishi Karume, akisema: “Na sasa nakuambia na wewe, Sheikh (Karume), kwamba mtakapokuwa tayari Zanzibar, sisi Tanganyika (na Kenya na Uganda) tuko tayari”.

Karume alidakiza, akasema: “Kitu gani hiki kuwa tayari! Sisi tuko tayari moja kwa moja; ita waandishi wa habari sasa hivi tuwatangazie”.

Kauli za viongozi hawa wawili juu ya Muungano, zimepotoshwa mara nyingi kwa maslahi ya kisiasa Visiwani na Tanzania Bara kuonekana kwamba, Nyerere na Karume walikuwa wakizungumzia Muungano kati ya Tanganyika na Zanzibar, wakati si kweli. Ukweli ni kwamba, wawili hao walikuwa wakijadiliana juu ya kuunda Shirikisho la Afrika Mashariki na si Muungano wa Tanganyika na Zanzibar. Ingekuwaje hivyo wakati jana yake tu Nyerere alitoka Nairobi amejawa matumaini ya EAF, mara hiyo ageuke kuzungumzia Muungano wa Tanganyika - Zanzibar ambao haukuwa mawazoni mwake?.

Ikumbukwe pia kwamba, pendekezo la kuunda Muungano kati ya Tanganyika na Zanzibar lilitolewa na Balozi wa Marekani nchini mapema Februari, 1964, lakini (Nyerere) alikataa katakata akidai kuwa EAF ndilo wazo kuu tangu mwaka 1960, lililofikiwa na kuafikiwa kwenye mkutano wa pili wa harakati za uhuru kwa nchi za Afrika Mashariki na Kati (PAFMECA), uliofanyika mjini Mbale, Uganda, Oktoba 1960.

Ukweli ni kwamba, katika kikao hicho Nyerere alikwenda mbali zaidi kwa kupendekeza nchi hizo ziunde Shirikisho hata kabla ya kupata uhuru kamili.

Tumelazimika kuelezea kwa kirefu kipengele hiki juu ya mazungumzo ya Karume na Nyerere, kuonesha kwamba, hadi Machi 1964, Nyerere hakuwa na wazo wala nia ya kuunda kitu kiitwacho “Muungano wa Tanganyika na Zanzibar”.

Juhudi za kuunda EAF zashindwa

Kwa kipindi chote kati ya Februari/Machi 1964, Nyerere alielekeza nguvu na muda wake mwingi katika kuunda EAF, hivi kwamba wakati wote alikuwa kiguu na njia kati ya Dar es Salaam na Nairobi yalikofanyika mazungumzo mengi juu ya EAF tarajiwa.

Wakati ilipoonekana kila kitu kilikuwa tayari kwa Shirikisho, kikao cha mwisho kilipangwa kufanyika mjini Nairobi Machi 10, 1964 kukamilisha mchakato. Ni katika kikao hiki cha Nairobi, viongozi hao wa nchi tatu za Afrika Mashariki, walipotofautiana na kufarakana na mazungumzo kuvunjika bila mwafaka.

Upinzani mkubwa kwa EAF ulizuliwa na Uganda ikidai kuwa, Shirikisho hilo lilikuwa mbinu chafu za wakoloni kutaka kuwatawala upya kwa mlango wa nyuma; wakati Kenyatta naye alisikika baada ya mchakato kushindwa, akisema hakuwa tayari “kupiga magoti kwa Nyerere”.

Huko Kusini mwa Afrika, juhudi za kuunda Shirikisho kama hilo la “Nyasaland – Rhodesia” (Rhodesia mbili: Rhodesia Kaskazini sasa Zimbabwe na Rhodesia Kusini, sasa Zambia) nazo zilivunjika baada ya Dakta Hastings Kamuzu Banda wa Nyasaland (sasa Malawi) kuibuka na madai kama hayo akifafanua kwamba, “Shirikisho” hilo lilikuwa mbinu ya Ukoloni Mamboleo kutaka kuzitia nchi hizo huru ndani ya kapu moja na kuzidhibiti zisiweze kutumia uhuru ziliopata kujiamulia mambo yake.

Kwa hiyo, tunaweza kusema kwamba, kushindwa kwa juhudi za kuunda EAF na “Nyasaland – Rhodesia Federation”, kulitokana na “mwamko” mpya wa nchi hizo huru dhidi ya ukoloni mamboleo uliozinyemelea kwa kuzitia boriti pamoja, yaani (balkanization) zicheze muziki kwa mdundo wa ukoloni mpya.

Nyerere, Marekani/Uingereza njia panda.

Nyerere alirejea kutoka Nairobi kama mtu aliyefiwa na kwa kuchanganyikiwa, huku nchi za Magharibi zikiendelea kumtahadharisha juu ya hatari ya Wakomunisti kwenye ngazi za mlango wake. Kilikuwa kipindi kigumu na chenye majaribu makubwa kwake.

Nyerere aliona wazi uchanga na udhaifu wa Serikali yake na Serikali kama yake barani Afrika, katika mpambano kama huo. Akaingiwa hofu alipokumbuka kuuawa kwa Waziri Mkuu Patrice Lumumba wa Congo (sasa DRC) mwaka 1961 na Rais Sylivanus Olympio wa Togo mwaka 1963, kutokana na nchi zao kuingizwa katika migogoro ya kimataifa, kati ya nchi za Magharibi na Mashariki, kama ilivyoelekea kutokea kwake.

Akakumbuka pia jinsi alivyookolewa na Majeshi ya Uingereza pale Jeshi lake lilipoasi ambapo, kwa siku nne mfululizo nchi ilikuwa mikononi mwa Jeshi wakati yeye amejificha mahali pasipojulikana. Dhamiri ikamtuma kuona “lazima kitu fulani kifanyike” kwa juhudi na busara zake, kuliko kuwa kibaraka wa mataifa makubwa yenye nguvu za kijeshi.

Haya yakitokea, Marekani na Uingereza zilibakia na uamuzi mmoja tu, nao ni kuivamia Zanzibar kijeshi. Ziliunda mpango wa kijeshi madhubuti kutekeleza hilo, ulioitwa “Zanzibar Action Plan” – ZAP.

Ukweli, tayari Makamanda Wakuu wa Majeshi ya Uingereza – Afrika Mashariki, I. S. Stockwell wa Jeshi la Anga (RAF) na I. H. Freeland wa Jeshi la nchi Kavu, walikuwa wametoa Amri ya pamoja kuweka majeshi yao katika hali ya tahadhari (Joint Operations Instructions), Namba 2/64; huku wakitarajia upinzani mkubwa kutoka Jeshi la Ukombozi la Watu wa Zanzibar – ZPLA, likiongozwa na Kamanda Ali Mahfoudh.

Mkakati kuivamia Zanzibar waiva

Mkakati huo ulisukwa kistadi kuonekana kwamba, Uingereza na Marekani hazikuwa na lengo la kuitawala Zanzibar. Hatua ya kwanza ilikuwa kuwaondoa kwa njia yoyote ile, wahafidhina wa fikra na mbinu za kimapinduzi, akiwamo Babu.

Pili, ilikuwa ni kutoa kisingizio cha kuondoa askari 300 wa Tanganyika waliokuwa Zanzibar. Hii ingemwacha Karume hatarini kiusalama wa ndani, na kwa sababu angelazimika kutafuta msaada kutoka pengine.

Njia bora ya kuondoa askari wa Tanganyika iliyopangwa ni kwa Balozi wa Uingereza pamoja na Mkuu wa Jeshi la Tanganyika (T.R.), kumshauri Nyerere aone kwamba, kutokana na hali tete kiusalama nchini Tanganyika kufuatia Jeshi kuasi, Polisi wote wa Tanganyika waliokuwa Zanzibar warejee, na kwamba kama Karume bado alikuwa anahitaji askari kuchukua nafasi yao, mipango ingefanywa kupeleka kikosi cha Askari wa Uingereza.

Kwa kuwa kati ya nchi za Afrika Mashariki hapakuwa na moja yenye utulivu ndani yake kufuatia maasi ya Majeshi yao, Karume asingekuwa na njia, isipokuwa kuwaita Waingereza. Na kama mkakati huu ungepingwa na Karume au Nyerere, Marekani na Uingereza zilikuwa tayari kuivamia Zanzibar kijeshi.

Nyerere alegea

Wakati hayo yakiandaliwa, Waingereza walimtaka Nyerere afikirie juu ya uwezekano wa Shirikisho la Tanganyika na Zanzibar kwa madhumuni yale yale ya EAF ili Zanzibar imezwe ndani ya tumbo kubwa la Tanganyika. Nyerere kwa hofu ya vita ya kimataifa kupiganwa mlangoni kwake, akalegea na kukubali wazo la Waingereza alilolikataa kabla ya hapo.

Mikakati mitatu ilisukwa kuwezesha hilo. Kwanza, ilikuwa ni kumtumia Nyerere kumshawishi Karume akubali wazo la kuungana, na akikataa, atishie kuondoa Askari wake 300 wa Tanganyika Visiwani ili Karume apinduliwe na mahasimu wake ndani na nje ya ASP na ambao tayari walioanza kuhoji uwezo wake wa kuongoza Serikali ya Mapinduzi.

Pili, kumgombanisha Karume na “Makomredi” wake ndani ya Baraza la Mapinduzi (Babu na wenzake wenye siasa za mrengo wa kushoto), kwa kutoa misaada na kupandikiza hofu kwa Karume kwamba Makomredi hao kwamba walikuwa tishio kwa madaraka na uongozi wake.

Tatu, kuhakikisha kwamba, Zanzibar inamezwa ndani ya Tanganyika kwa njia fulani ya ushirikiano (association), ikiwezekana Shirikisho, kati ya Zanzibar na Tanganyika kama ilipendekezwa mwanzo na Marekani, Februari, 1964.

Mkataba wa Muungano Waandaliwa

Wakati fulani, Aprili 1964, Nyerere alimwita Mwanasheria Mkuu wa Serikali, Roland Brown, akamtaka amfanyie kazi moja ya siri “bila mtu mwingine yeyote kujua”. Kazi hiyo ilikuwa ni kuandaa Mkataba wa Muungano kati ya Tanganyika na Zanzibar.

Brown aliwaita Wasaidizi wake na kuwafahamisha juu ya hilo. Hao walikuwa Mabwana Mark Bomani (Mwanasheria) na P. R. N. Fifoot (Mwandishi wa Sheria). Ni Mark Bomani aliyegonga Hati hiyo Muhuri wa “Siri Kubwa”.

Aprili 21, 1964, Nyerere alimwita Dar es Salaam Karume kwenda “bila kufuatana na mtu”. Karume akaoneshwa rasimu ya Mkataba wa Muungano ulioandikwa kwa Kiingereza japo hakujua lugha hiyo.
Na alipojulishwa juu ya kusudio la Muungano, alibisha akidai aachwe kwanza asafishe nyumba yake. Nyerere akavuta mpini wa panga wakati Karume ameshika makali kwa kumtishia kuondoa askari wake 300 visiwani ili mahasimu wake (Karume) “wamchune ngozi”. Karume akasalimu amri hima.
Aprili 22, 1964, Nyerere, akiwa na rasimu ya Mkataba wa Muungano mkononi, alikwenda Zanzibar akifuatana na Roland Brown, Fifoot, Oscar Kambona, Job Lusinde na Bhoke Munanka.

Huko Zanzibar, alipokewa na alikutana na Karume, Abdulaziz Twala, Kassim Hanga na Ali Mwingigo, bila kuwepo Mwanasheria Mkuu wa Zanzibar (Wolfgang Dourado) ambaye iliagizwa apewe likizo ya lazima hadi mchakato wa Muungano utakapokamilika. Siku hiyo, Mkataba wa Muungano wa Tanganyika na Zanzibar ukatiwa sahihi kwa siri kubwa, kabla ya kutangazwa rasmi hapo Aprili 26, 1964.

Kilichofuata na kinachoendelea ndani ya Muungano huu, ni kile kilichoelezewa na Mhariri wa Gazeti “The Economist” la Juni 1964 kwamba, “Rais huyo (Nyerere) amemudu nusu tu ya kazi ya chatu (ya kumeza mawindo yake); amefanikiwa kummeza mnyama (Zanzibar) bila kuzivunja nguvu za mnyama huyo ambaye bado yu mzima, angali bado anayeyushwa tumboni; uchungu wa mateke yake unaonekana dhahiri ndani ya siasa za Tanganyika na unaweza ukaua”.

“Uchungu wa mateke” anaozungumzia mhariri huyu unawakilisha kero za Muungano ambazo zimeendelea kuyumbisha Muungano huo, tangu mwanzo, hadi leo.
  • Makala hii imenukuliwa kutoka kwenye gazeti la RaiaMwema

Taarifa ya habari ChannelTEN, Februari 6, 2016





Bibi Anastazia aitaka serikali ihakiki wagonjwa wake anaowatibu UKIMWI kwa mitishamba


Makonda: Sina hofu wala woga wala kutafuta kupendwa... ninatumia mamlaka niliyopewa

Mkuu wa Wilaya ya Kinondoni, Paul Makonda (kulia), akizungumza na Watendaji na Viongozi wa Serikali za Mitaa wa wilaya hiyo 
Mkuu wa Wilaya ya Kinondoni ametoa siku 20 kwa Wenyeviti wote wa Serikali za Mitaa Manispaa hiyo kuwa na ramani ya mitaa ili kuyatambua maeneo ya wazi.

Makonda amewataka watendaji wa Manispaa hiyo kwenda na kasi ya serikali ya kuwatendea haki wananchi katika kumaliza migogoro ya ardhi.

Akizungumza Dar es Salaam leo mchana na Wenyeviti zaidi ya 100 wa Serikali za Mitaa ya9 Manispaa ya Kinondoni ,Makonda alisema baadhi ya watendaji wanatanguliza maslahi mbele kuliko mahitaji ya Wananchi na Taifa kwa ujumla.

Alisema migogoro ya ardhi ni kero kila sehemu misibani, harusini na kwenye mazishi suala kubwa ni la ardhi na kuongeza kuwa mabaraza ya ardhi ya Kata hayana uhalali wa kuamua kesi hizo kwa kuwa baadhi yao hata uelewa wa masuala hayo hawana na yamekuwa yakiongeza matatizo.

"Leo tumekutana hapa kwa sababu ya migogoro ya ardhi na kuanzia sasa ndani ya Wilaya ya Kinondoni nataka kurudisha heshima ya Wenyeviti wa Serikali za Mitaa nawaagiza kuanzia sasa mtu yeyote kutoka Wizarani,Manispaa au hata mwekezaji lazima apitie kwanza kwa Mwenyekiti wa Serikali ya Mitaa,"alisema.

Alisema watendaji wengi Manispaa ndio chanzo cha migogoro ya ardhi kwa kutotimiza wajibu wao na wameshindwa kuonyesha dira ya kuwasaidia wananchi.

"Kibaya zaidi ili kujitengenezea mazingira ya ulaji wenyeviti hawashirikishwi katika hatua za awali wanahusika zaidi pale kunapotokea mgogoro," alisema.

Aliongeza kuwa, "Sina hofu wala uoga wala sina sifa ya kupendwa wala kutafuta kupendwa hivyo nitahakikisha ninatumia mamlaka niliyopewa kufanya migogoro hii ya ardhi Kinondoni kuwa historia na nikitaka jambo huwa sishindwi"alisema.

Alisema baada ya wenyeviti hao kupewa ramani atahakikisha anakutana na Wazi ri wa Ardhi Nyumba na Maendeleo ya Makazi Wilium Lukuvi na maofisa wa ardhi.

"Hapo sasa watakaobainika kuhusika katika michezo michafu na kuchochea migogoro basi Waziri Lukuvi aondoke nao maana wameshindwa kazi"alisema

Makonda aliwataka wenyeviti hao kuonesha maeneo ya wazi na yale yaliyovamiwa ili kuchukua hatua kwani wenye dhamana wapo ofisini huku wananchi wakiwa wanateseka na migogoro hiyo.

Mkuu wa Idara ya Mipango Miji Manispaa ya Kinondoni Juliana Letara alisema Wenyeviti wote watapewa ramani za mitaa yao ndani ya wiki mbili kwa kuwa zipo kwenye kompyuta ofisini hivyo atawapatia ramani hizo.

Alisema kutokana na migogoro mingi ya ardhi anapendekeza kufanyike mapendekezo ya mabadiliko ya sheria kwa kuwa kesi zote za mabaraza ya kata zinaigharimu serikali zaidi ya milioni tatu kwa siku.

Alizitaja kesi hizo kuwa ni za ardhi ya hifadhi, ardhi ya kawaida na ile ya kimila.

"Tulikopa benki ya TIB mkopo kwa ajili ya kupima Viwanja likiwemo eneo la Mabwepande lakini kila siku tunatozwa riba ya sh.milioni tatu jambo ambalo ni gumu na ipo siku litashindikana na ndio maana tunauza Kiwanja hadi milioni 20 na 30,"alisema.

Baadhi ya wenyeviti wa Serikali za Mitaa ambao walipata nafasi ya kuzungumza mbele ya Mkuu wa Wilaya hiyo walimtaka Makonda kuondoa majipu sugu katika Manispaa hiyo likiwemo la maofisa mipango miji.

Alisema wako tayari kufanyazi na Makonda lakini sio wafanyakazi hao kitengo cha ardhi kwa kuwa wamekuwa chanzo cha migogoro mikubwa ya ardhi.

Watendaji na Viongozi wa Serikali za Mitaa wakimsikiliza Mkuu wa Wilaya hiyo, Paul Makonda
Tumeshirikishwa taarifa hii na www.habarizajamii.com - simu namba 0712-727062

Ziara ya Kinana kwa jamii za Wahadzabe




Msafara wa Katibu Mkuu wa CCM Ndugu Abdulrahman Kinana ukikatisha misitu na mabonde wakati ukielekea kata ya Mwangeza kijiji cha Kibampa ambako jamii hiyo inaishi.


Katibu Mkuu wa CCM Ndugu Abdulrahman Kinana akiangalia Sola zinazosukuma maji kwenye kisima cha mradi wa maji yanayotumika kwenye kijiji pamoja na shule ya msingi ya Munguli iliyopo wilaya ya Mkalama mkoani Singida.


Katibu Mkuu wa CCM Ndugu Abdulrahman Kinana akipata maelezo ya mradi wa maji wa kijiji cha Munguli kutoka kwa Mkuu wa Wilaya ya Mkalama Ndugu Christopher Ngubiagai.


Katibu Mkuu wa CCM Ndugu Abdulrahman Kinana akiwa ndani ya hosteli ya shule ya msingi Munguli ambayo wanasoma watoto wa Kihadzabe.


Katibu Mkuu wa CCM Ndugu Abdulrahman Kinana akisalimiana na wakulima wakati akiwa njiani kuelekea kata ya Mwangeza kijiji cha Kibampa.


Katibu Mkuu wa CCM Ndugu Abdulrahman Kinana akisalimiana na wakulima wakati akiwa njiani kuelekea kata ya Mwangeza kijiji cha Kibampa.


Katibu Mkuu wa CCM Ndugu Abdulrahman Kinana akikaribishwa kijiji cha Kibampa na wakazi wa hapo amabao ni Wahadzabe.


Katibu Mkuu wa CCM Ndugu Kinana akifurahia jambo na kijana wa kabila la Kihadzabe




Wahadzabe wakiwa kwenye kikao maalum kumsikiliza Katibu Mkuu wa CCM Ndugu Abdulrahman Kinana.


Katibu Mkuu wa CCM Ndugu Abdulrahman Kinanaakishiriki kupanda mihogo kwenye shamba ya la Wahadzabe kwenye kijiji cha Kibampa wilaya ya Mkalama.


Mkuu wa Wilaya ya Mkalama Ndugu Christopher Ngubiagai akimuelekeza Katibu Mkuu wa CCM Ndugu Abdulrahman Kinana namna Wahadzabe wanavyosaga mtama kwa kutumia jiwe.


Katibu Mkuu wa CCM Ndugu Abdulrahman Kinana (katikati) akiwa kwenye nyumba maalum ya chifu wa wahadzabe pamoja na Mwenyekiti wa Wahadzabe Edward Mashimba na Mama Sarah Philipo.


Katibu Mkuu wa CCM Ndugu Abdulrahman Kinanaakitoka kwenye nyumba ya Chifu wa Wahadzabe iliyopo kijiji cha Kibampa kata ya Mwangeza wilaya ya Mkalama mkoani Singida


Wakazi wa kijiji cha Kibampa ambaco wakazi wake ni jamii ndogo yenye kaya 300 ya Wahadzabe wakishangilia jambo wakati Katibu Mkuu wa CCM Ndugu Kinana alipokuwa akiwahutubia


Katibu Mkuu wa CCM Ndugu Abdulrahman Kinana akihutubia wakazi wa kijiji cha Kibampa ambako wakazi wake ni jamii ndogo yenye kaya 300 ya Wahadzabe,kushoto ni Mwenyekiti wa Wahadzabe Ndugu Edward Mashimba (kushoto) ambaye alikuwa akitafsiri kwa lugha ya Kihadzabe


Katibu Mkuu wa CCM Ndugu Abdulrahman Kinana akihutubia wakazi wa kijiji cha Kibampa ambako wakazi wake ni jamii ndogo yenye kaya 300 ya Wahadzabe,kushoto ni Mwenyekiti wa Wahadzabe Ndugu Edward Mashimba (kushoto) ambaye alikuwa akitafsiri kwa lugha ya Kihadzabe

Sheikh Muhsin aeleza historia ya Zanzibar: Waarabu, Wazungu, Washiraz, Wabantu

Sheikh Ali Muhsin anaelezea mawasiliano baina ya Zanzibar na Arabuni na Shiraz. Anaeleza kwamba Waarabu si wageni Zanzibar. Wamefika Afrika ya Mashariki kabla kuzaliwa Bwana Isa (Yesu) Alayhi Ssalaam.


Siasa imeanza zamani Zanzibar, anaeleza Sheikh Muhsin...

Kuhusu magazeti ya Kiswahili nchini Zanzibar...

Sheikh Ali Muhsin anamuelezea Profesa Ibrahim Noor vipi Zanzibar Nationalist Party (ZNP) imeundwa katika mwaka 1955. ZNP kilikua ni chama cha siasa cha mwanzo visiwani Zanzibar. Kwa nini, vipi na nani wamekiunda chama hichi? Sheikh Ali Muhsin Anaeleza misingi ya siasa ya Zanzibar Nationalist Party (Hizbu au ZNP) Zanzibar ilikuwa imegawanywa baina ya kabila mbalimbali (Washirazi, Waafrika, Warabu, Wahindi n.k.) hivyo ZNP ilikuja kujenga umoja wa Wazanzibari.


Sheikh Ali Muhsin Barwani aneleza vipi Afro-Shirazi Party (ASP) imeundwa na Nyerere pamoja na wakoloni wa Kiingereza kwa makusudi ya kupinga chama cha ZNP (Hizbu).

Nani kaleta utumwa Zanzibar? Sheikh Ali Muhsin anaelezea: Warenu (Portuguese) ndio wa mwanzo kuleta watumwa Zanzibar. Waarabu na Washirazi na kabila zote wakimiliki watumwa. Ulipo ondoshwa utumwa Zanzibar, Waarabu wakimiliki 1/3 ya watumwa na Washirazi wakimiliki 2/3 ya watumwa. Zanzibar (masultani wa Kiislamu) wameondoa utumwa 1872 na Tanganyika Wangereza (Wakristo) wameondoa utumwa 1920.

Sheikh Ali Muhsin anazungumzia madai ya Waarabu kuwanyang'anya ardhi Washirazi.

Washirazi hawajapata kuishi magharibi ya Zanzibar, ambako kulikua na msitu kama msitu wa Jozani. Huku magharibi ya Zanzibar hukuti magofu au miskiti au makaburi ya miaka 300 na Zaidi. Wakaazi wa Zanzibar wa zamani wakiishi pande za Maweni kama Unguja Ukuu, Dunga, Tumbatu na Kizimkazi.

[audio, video] Alichozungumza Maalim Seif kuhusu Kikwete na siasa za Zanzibar